Councilism emerged as a trend in the German-Dutch left but it would be quite wrong if one
were to say that councilism is part of the German-Dutch left, or even worse to say that
councilism is a natural development of the German-Dutch left. This argument could be
equally valid that to be said the Bolshevik Party is the natural process of Stalinism,
what effort the bourgeois propaganda machine pretends to do so.
Councilist trends first occurred in the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) and then in
Communist Workers Party of Germany (KAPD). The main spokesman for councilism was the
anti party hero Rühle which had been isolated within the Communist Party of Germany
but despite that still his councilist ideas found echo within the German proletariat.
Exclusion of Rühle and his friends from Communist Workers Party of Germany (KAPD), did
not prevent the rapid spreading of the councilist ideas but the councilist opinion within
the working class was developed.
The reality is that councilism was formed as an idealistic approach to the history of
proletariat when the wave of world revolution had started to return, and is against
the historical materialism. The fact is that councilist positions not only suffers
from a belief in fate, but if its arguments to its final result will follow, leading
to complete break with Marxism and to its nature a break from every revolutionary
view which is the natural outcome of such positions.
Councilism expresses the weakness of the proletariat not its strength, so results
in that to lead away the proletariat from its historical task, the Communist
Revolution. The fact is that there is a very important common denominator between
councilism and Social Democracy, the
means everything and the goal is nothing.
International Communist Current explain as the following how the councilist view, that
trying to make a virtue of the weakness of the proletariat and how pave the path for
the next revolution will fail:
"The councilist trends, which occurred between 1919 and 1921 in the German proletariat,
was not an expression of the strength of the proletariat. Although, they were not
directly responsible for the defeat, they expressed at least one great weakness
of the class. Making a virtue of these weaknesses, which the councilist do, is the
surest path to lead the revolution to a defeat in the future. The councilist reaction
in the German proletariat over the years needs to be understood, to avoid a repetition
of these weaknesses."  [Our translation]
Councilism denies any proletarian nature of the October Revolution and the Bolshevik
Party. They talk of bourgeois character of the Bolshevik Revolution and the movement
of bourgeois revolution in a country with a majority of peasantry in the Russian.
Should be noted that in 1917 Russia was fifth world's industrialized nations with the
greatest industrial factories. The real translation of councilists arguments is that
if the revolution would took place in one of the most advanced capitalist countries,
on an island like Great Britain, the revolution could have a proletarian character and
its victory was imminent. In plain language, although socialism in an advanced island
like Great Britain, is possible. This is the same common point that councilism has with
Stalinism, anti-Marxist thesis of "socialism in one country". Against such an idealistic
understanding of events, Rosa Luxemburg viewed from an internationalist perspective to
the events in Russia and announced that the fate of the Russian Revolution will be determined
of international events and she wrote:
“From reality and practical point of view, the same doctrine represents an attempt to
get rid of any responsibility for the course of the Russian Revolution, as far as that
responsibility concerns the international, and especially the German proletariat, and
to deny the international connections of this revolution. It is not Russia’s unripeness
which has been proved by the events of the war and the Russian Revolution, but the
unripeness of the German proletariat for the fulfillment of its historic tasks. Also,
to make this fully clear is the first task of a critical examination of the Russian
Revolution. The fate of the revolution in Russia depended fully upon international events.” 
Philosophical approach and even worse than that an ideological view of Councilism to the
class consciousness of proletariat, do they empty from any revolutionary perspective that
is natural result of such positions. Councilism by denying revolutionary organization and
with other words, stating that any political organization is absolutely bad, virtually
incapable of understanding the role and function of revolutionaries and the necessity
of proletarian vanguard. As a result the Councilism allowed itself an education and
training role for the working class. The fact that the councilists currents life is
often short and they disability of a continuous a long-term activity, are the natural
result of denying of their own existential philosophy. Councilism is incapable of
understanding that the revolutionary are an active and living part of the working class.
Late formation of proletarian organization in Germany during the revolutionary wave
after the First World War and the defeat of the German Revolution as its result and
the class struggles in the 80 deaths earlier decades in Poland proves unreliability
and no perspective of the councilists positions, without an internationalist Communist
Party, Without a proletarian political leadership, widespread class struggles despite
zeals over time will suffer burnout, without targeting towards of destroying of the
capitalist state and the Communist Revolution. Without an Internationalist Communist
Party, the Communist Revolution is impossible.
"Councilist ideology tends to reinforce these stereotypes in the class through its
denial of the indispensable role of the revolutionary organization. However, since
councilism, by definition, is incapable of any long-term intervention to the class as a
whole, have the most devastating effect of the revolutionaries themselves, in that it
undermines the very foundation of its existence, reducing them to the best commentators
or observers to the class struggle, without ever being able to determine what the
revolutionaries should be: a determined vanguard, which is capable of bringing the
class movement forward, the revolution.”  [Our translation]
9. The danger on the question of organization
9.1 The danger of substitutionsim
Substitutionism constitutes a danger especially in periods that the movement
is in decline and stagnation. That's why we look after the decline of the
revolutionary wave in the early 20's, substitutionsim becomes dominant in the
Bolsheviks. In fact, through the development of capitalism and consequents of it,
the more homogeny of proletariat, growth of technology and informatics, etc the
working class will appear more international than in the early 1900s. This
eliminates or reduces the prospects for substitutionism.
"The future communist revolution will appear in a much more conscious way than before,
because it will arise out of an economic crisis that affects every country-not only
the defeated - and with the most concentrated and most politically experienced of
the class sectors as its center. The proletariat can only organize itself internationally,
and will only recognize itself in their parties to the extent they will be part of the
international workers' councils, which will arise from a truly international revolution,
not from a ”French" or a "German" revolution. The geographical isolation of the revolution
in one country, which is the objective conditions for the substitutionism, is no longer
possible. Substitutionism constitutes a danger especially in periods of decline in the
revolutionary wave." 
9.2 The danger of Councilism
If substitutionism constitutes a danger especially in periods of revolutionary wave is back,
in decline and stagnation. Councilism constitutes a threat, especially in periods of
prosperity and the rise of class struggle is, therefore the councilism spirit, doubt,
and the tail after the class and suspicion to the party of the working class, when the
proletariat need to act quickly and determination, would be desperate the confidence
of the proletariat.
Even in today's era such as the class struggle is going on a smaller scale, councilism
plays its destructive role. The councilism with leaving the core of Marxism and with its
Idealism and with the quasi cartoon image of Marxism, has had more devastating impact
on the working class and even to the most experienced proletarian organizations and
revolutionaries within it.
Combat with councilism influence and its destructive effects within the working class
and especially the proletarian organizations, should be a tireless part of Internationalists
struggle, because it creates a barrier to progressing of proletarian avant-garde and
Internationalist Communist Party.
10 The party and its relation to class
There are not revolutionaries who make the revolutionary class, namely the working class,
but it is working class as a revolutionary class that generates its revolutionaries and
revolutionary organization. They are not the cause of the class movement of proletariat
or the reason of movement but they itself are a product of proletarian movement. This
means that the revolutionary organization is a part of the working class.
Party is a product of class and its formation process is manifested that the class through
its struggle has reached to higher levels of class consciousness and a much intensified form
of class struggle is assumed. Party is more than anything else a tool of class in efforts
towards its historical goal to destroy of relationships that it has provided its necessity.
The class can exist without the party of class, but the party can never exist without a
class. Party is not an administrative or executive organ but a political organ of the class
that its task is defending of coherent positions crystallized in the Communist Program
within the class until to elimination of the class society. While the public and united
organ of the class is councils that are the entire class.
The reason that the party does not take power, this is why; the task or function of the
party is not taking power. The task of is doing a political leadership that is much more
important than taking power.
“If the party does not take power, it is because this is not its function, the reason for
its existence. Its real and indispensable role thus lies elsewhere. And that does not
reduce its importance. Indeed, the understanding that only the proletariat’s conscious
will can determine the direction of history and the possibility of the revolution, implies
equally the indispensable character of the organization of revolutionaries and of the party.” 
Confusion, inability to solve organizational problems, especially under the influence of deviations
from academic and activism are not able to understand the relationship between party and class in the
course of period of retreat and defeat of class struggle or in the rise and progress of class struggle.
Activist view searching to see any effects of class struggle that is decisive for the proletariat. This
thinking is leading to that revolutionaries should be launched the class struggle, take forward the class.
Activism leads to demoralization and fatigue of militants, have been become disappointing of their efforts weak result.